“To Have and Have Not”: International Migration, Poverty, and Inequality in Algeria

AuthorEl Mouhoub Mouhoud,Luis Miotti,Joel Oudinet,David N. Margolis
Published date01 April 2015
Date01 April 2015
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/sjoe.12103
Scand. J. of Economics 117(2), 650–685, 2015
DOI: 10.1111/sjoe.12103
“To Have and Have Not”: International
Migration, Poverty, and Inequality
in Algeria
David N. Margolis
Paris School of Economics, FR-75014 Paris, France
david.n.margolis@gmail.com
Luis Miotti
University of Paris 13, FR-93430 Villetaneuse, France
miotti_luis@wanadoo.fr
El Mouhoub Mouhoud
Paris Sciences et Lettres, Paris-Dauphine University, LEDa, DIAL UMR 225,
FR-75016 Paris, France
em.mouhoud@dauphine.fr
Joel Oudinet
University of Paris 13, FR-93430 Villetaneuse, France
joel.oudinet@univ-paris13.fr
Abstract
In this paper, using an original survey, we analyze the distributional impact of international
migration across two regions of Algeria. A semi-parametric descriptive analysis is comple-
mented with a parametric model. Remittances do not significantly change the Gini coefficient
in nearly any of the counterfactual scenarios. However, migration reduced poverty by 40 per-
cent, with different effects across regions for extreme poverty. Foreign transfers, especially
foreign pensions, have a strong positive impact on very poor families in one region. Poor
families in the other region suffer from a “double loss”: their migrants do not provide local
income and they do not send much money home.
Keywords: Inequality; migration; pensions; poverty; remittances
JEL classification:F24; O15; O55
The authors are grateful to two anonymous referees for their comments and suggestions that
led to significant improvements in this paper. We also thank the participants of the Journ´
ees
de Micro´
economie Appliqu´
ee (Clermont-Ferrand, France, June 2014) and the World Bank,
AFD, University of Lille conference “Migration and Development” (Ifrane, Morocco, May
2013), and Denis Cogneau for their comments. This article is financed in part by FEMISE
Agreement No. FEM33-2.
CNRS and IZA.
Sorbonne Paris Cit´
e, CEPN-CNRS.
CThe editors of The Scandinavian Journal of Economics 2015.
D. Margolis et al. 651
I. Introduction
Migration is one important means by which people from poor countries
seek to improve their living conditions and those of their families. Many
of them send some of the money they earn in the host country back to
their families in their home country. These remittances are quantitatively
enormous: in 2013, remittances to developing countries amounted to 414
billion dollars (World Bank, 2013). Unlike development assistance, remit-
tances are a type of external income that is directly paid to households,
and thereby can have a large impact on welfare for recipient families in
countries still mired in poverty.
The scale of the sums involved has driven a revival in the literature
on the impact of transfers on migrant-sending countries. Among the many
issues debated is the impact of transfers on poverty and the distribution of
income. Although the literature has come to a consensus that remittances
can lead to a reduction in poverty, there is less agreement about the effects
on inequality.
Given the variability of results, it can be helpful to re-situate the effects
of remittances in the context and history of the migration flows that underlie
them. Over time, migration flows lead to the constitution of increasingly
dense networks in receiving countries and better information in the sending
countries, which reduces the cost of future migration and can help reduce
inequality by allowing the poorest households to send migrants abroad
or to other towns. This generates an inverse U-shaped relation between
emigration and inequality, as shown both theoretically and empirically by
McKenzie and Rapoport (2007).
In this paper, we consider the effects of emigration on poverty and
inequality by drawing on an original survey conducted in Algeria.1It is
the first household survey in Algeria that specifically addresses the issues
of migration and remittances,2and provides the information necessary to
evaluate their impacts on poverty and inequality. Furthermore, unlike many
household surveys, this survey also collects information on pensions (a
very important income source) received in the country of origin, based on
overseas work for returning migrants. It focuses on two regions (Kabylia
and Tlemcen), which differ in terms of diaspora organization, migration
history, and regional insertion.
1The survey was conducted in the spring of 2011, interviewing 1,200 households living in
two communes. This survey was carried out in collaboration with the Centre de Recherches
en Economie Appliqu´
ee et D´
eveloppement (CREAD). The authors wish to thank Nacer-
Eddine Hammouda for his role in the successful administration of the survey.
2The survey also collected data on in-kind transfers, but these data were not used because
of valuation issues. As such, in this paper we only consider monetary transfers, although a
preliminary analysis of (likely unreliable) in-kind transfer data suggests that these amounts,
when they exist, are often quantitatively large.
CThe editors of The Scandinavian Journal of Economics 2015.
652 International migration, poverty, and inequality in Algeria
Use of household-level data and black market exchange rates, instead
of official accounts, is critical to assessing accurately the impact of for-
eign transfers on poverty and inequality.3According to some estimates
(Charmes, 2010), informal remittances received in Algeria are two to three
times higher than official remittances received, while conversion of remit-
tances at the black market exchange rate increases their purchasing power
by up to 50 percent.
To estimate the impact of remittances on poverty and inequality, we per-
form a semi-parametric descriptive analysis and we also estimate a para-
metric model, which allows for the simulation of counterfactual household
income and the calculation of the impact of migration on the distribution
of income across households. Several scenarios are examined, in order to
characterize a wide range of potential situations for the counterfactual set-
ting without migration. The analysis decomposes the effects of international
transfers into the parts due to remittances and due to the pensions of retired
migrants. A comparison of the results for the two regions is also carried
out, taking into account their historical features and their differences in
terms of diaspora organization.
In Section II, we provide a brief summary of the migration histories of
the two Algerian regions studied here. In Section III, we summarize the
body of literature that deals with the effects of remittances on poverty and
inequality, in particular that based on household survey data. In Section IV,
we describe the methodology used to generate household income in the
various counterfactual scenarios. In Section V, we present the data and de-
scriptive characteristics of households using the DiNardo–Fortin–Lemieux
(DFL) semi-parametric methodology (DiNardo et al., 1996). In Section
VI, we provide the results of the impact of emigration on poverty and in-
equality, using the counterfactual model based on individual-level Heckman
(1979) selection-corrected estimates. We conclude in Section VII.
The main findings are that remittances, including foreign pensions, do
not significantly change the Gini coefficient in either region. However,
the simulations suggest that migration has reduced poverty by nearly 16
percentage points (40 percent), with the effect in Kabylia (Idjeur) being
twice as large as in Tlemcen (Nedroma) with regards to extreme poverty.
Foreign transfers, especially foreign pensions, have a strong positive impact
on very poor families in Idjeur but much less so in Nedroma, where
poor families suffer from a “double loss” because their migrants do not
provide local income and do not send much money home. This difference
3For example, officially recorded remittances received by Algeria (World Bank annual re-
mittances database) are much lower than in other countries in the region: in 2010, they
represented only 1 percent of GDP (two billion dollars). This compares to an average for
the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region of 3.1 percent of GDP.
CThe editors of The Scandinavian Journal of Economics 2015.

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