Social Security and Old Age Unemployment Risk with Efficient Wage Bargaining

Published date01 July 2019
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/sjoe.12301
Date01 July 2019
Scand. J. of Economics 121(3), 1125–1153, 2019
DOI: 10.1111/sjoe.12301
Social Security and Old Age Unemployment
Risk with Efficient Wage Bargaining*
Pietro Reichlin
LUISS Guido Carli, 00197 Rome, Italy
preichlin@luiss.it
Abstract
I analyze a life-cycle economy with old age productivity risk where wages, employment, and
severance payments are set through efficient bargaining between risk averse unions and risk
neutral firms. Allocations with limited union membership are second-best inefficient as they
generate too little labor supply in young age, too much consumption before retirement, too
little employment of older workers (early retirement), and too little insurance against old age
unemployment. Providing publictransfers to early retirees (disability benefits or early pensions)
might help to increase the degree of risk sharing at the cost of lower old age employment.
Depending on whether absolute risk aversion is increasing or decreasing in consumption, these
policies might or might not produce efficiency gains at equilibrium.
Keywords: Labor market; retirement benefits; risk sharing
JEL classification:E21; E24; H2; H21; H55
I. Introduction
In this paper, I study the interplay between public social security programs
and firms’ labor shedding policies in a dynamic economy characterized
by the unions’ strong bargaining power, labor protection laws, and social
rights based on employment entitlements, which are largely prevalent in
the European labor market. The main question I raise is that of which
public policies are best suited to eliminate the potential inefficiencies that
can arise in these type of environments. Should the government abstain
from providing any sort of insurance against the risk of an early exit from
the labor market to older workers who are facing individual productivity
shocks? Are layoff taxes a good instrument to limit firms’ excessive recourse
to labor shedding policies? Three main observations are at the heart of these
questions and motivate this contribution. The first is that, in many countries,
older workers are overrepresented in redundancies (Samorodov, 1999), face
higher unemployment risks, and are less likely to be re-employed or re-
trained. The second is that labor force participation rates of older workers
*I thank two anonymous referees for helpful comments. Support of a grant from MURST,PRIN
2010, is gratefully acknowledged.
Also affiliated with CEPR.
C
The editors of The Scandinavian Journal of Economics 2018.
1126 Social security and old age unemployment
(i.e., aged 55–64) have fallen dramatically over the past 40 years, most
prominently in Continental Europe (see Gruber and Wise, 2004). The third
is that employers might use public insurance programs (unemployment
and disability benefits) as “an easy way of getting rid of aging workers
with higher wage demands” (Schnalzenberger and Winter-Ebmer, 2009). In
addition, when postponing the statutory retirement age, governments might
produce more unemployment and/or increase the costs of unemployment
insurance faced by public agencies or firms.1
To provide some insight on these questions, I consider a
stylized overlapping generations model with three-period-lived generations
embedded in an economy with the following main features. First,
employment, severance payments, and wages are set through bilateral
contractual agreements between unions and firms. Secondly, the labor
market is segmented into insiders and outsiders. The latter are young and
middle age workers moving between jobs, offering their labor services in a
competitive environment. However, insiders are represented by middle age
workers, who are not moving across jobs, and by old workers. The latter are
assumed to be more risky (i.e., subject to random individual productivity
shocks) and unable to be relocated to different jobs due to skill depreciation.
In my model, there is no market for insurance against unemployment risks
and workers are risk averse. When workers become old, their individual
productivity levels are revealed, and the firm decides whether to keep them
or lay them off with a retirement package. It must be stressed that “laid-off”
workers, in my model, are effectively in a state of early retirement, as they
are receiving both a contractual severance payment and a transfer from a
public insurance scheme (disability benefit or early pension). Hence, an old
laid-off worker is assumed to have exited the labor force and not be looking
for a new job. A labor contract is the solution to the unions’ expected utility
maximization subject to non-negative profits and a no-shirking condition.
The latter requires the old workers’ utility contingent on being employed to
be above a reservation level and prevents the optimal labor contract from
offering full insurance against unemployment risk. I follow Blanchard and
Tirole (2008) by assuming that there is no aggregate uncertainty and that
individual productivity is observed by the firm only (neither the worker nor
the union nor a third party). In particular, the firm’s employment decision
follows from setting a threshold such that all workers whose productivity
falls below it are dismissed (and provided with an early retirement package)
and the remaining workers are kept on the payroll, earning a productivity-
1As noted by Ebbinghaus (2001), “as governmentsseek to close down preretirement programmes
or make public benefits less attractive, private occupational welfare efforts may gain in
importance, as they may counteract welfare cuts by filling replacement gaps”.
C
The editors of The Scandinavian Journal of Economics 2018.

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