Intergenerational Correlations of Extreme Right‐Wing Party Preferences and Attitudes toward Immigration

Published date01 July 2017
Date01 July 2017
AuthorThomas Siedler,Alexandra Avdeenko
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/sjoe.12190
Scand. J. of Economics 119(3), 768–800, 2017
DOI: 10.1111/sjoe.12190
Intergenerational Correlations of Extreme
Right-Wing Party Preferences and
Attitudes toward Immigration
Alexandra Avdeenko
University of Mannheim, DE-68131 Mannheim, Germany
avdeenko@uni-mannheim.de
Thomas Siedler
University of Hamburg, DE-20146 Hamburg, Germany
thomas.siedler@wiso.uni-hamburg.de
Abstract
In this paper, we analyze the importance of parental socialization on the development of
children’s far right-wing preferences and attitudes toward immigration. Using longitudinal
data from Germany, our intergenerational estimates suggest that the strongest and most
important predictor for young people’s right-wing extremism are their parents’ right-wing
extremist attitudes. While intergenerational associations in attitudes toward immigration are
equally high for sons and daughters, we find a positive intergenerational transmission of
right-wing extremist party affinity for sons, but not for daughters. Compared to the inter-
generational correlation of other party affinities, the high association between fathers’ and
sons’ right-wing extremist attitudes is particularly striking.
Keywords: Extremism; gender differences; intergenerational links; longitudinal data; political
preferences
JEL classification:C23; D72; J62; P16
I. Introduction
[The child] shall be brought up in a spirit of understanding, tolerance, friend-
ship among peoples, peace and universal brotherhood, respect for freedom
of religion or belief of others. (United Nations, 1981).
A number of international declarations and politicians have emphasized
the family as the place where promoting tolerance and shaping attitudes of
openness should take place (i.e., United Nations, 1981; UNESCO, 1995).
We thank Sandra Black, Dan Hamermesh, Ronny Freier, Martin Kroh, Andrew J. Oswald,
Christian Pfarr, Daniel Schnitzlein, and Markus Tepe for helpful comments. We gratefully
acknowledge funding from the Fritz Thyssen Foundation, the German Research Foundation
(SFB 884), and the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) (award no. RES-518-
28-001).
CThe editors of The Scandinavian Journal of Economics 2016.
A. Avdeenko and T. Siedler 769
For example, in a public memorial ceremony for the victims of right-wing
terrorism, German Chancellor Angela Merkel stated that the origins of
disrespectful thought and behavior are closely related to upbringing. She
argued that the family is the place where civil society grows and where
children learn the basics of responsible coexistence.1
In the economic literature on the origins of preference formation, parental
intentional strategies have been examined, and their potential long-term so-
cial impact has been modeled (Bisin and Verdier, 2000, 2001; Epstein,
2007; Guiso et al., 2008; Tabellini, 2008; Adriani and Sonderegger, 2009).
In this theoretical literature on cultural transmission, parents actively or
passively instill their attitudes and preferences into their children, resulting
in similarities across generations. Indeed, political scientists find high cor-
relations of the nature and extent of political preferences between parents
and children. The first empirical study to report a positive intergenerational
relationship in political preferences was Jennings and Niemi (1968), whose
results were later supported by supplementary study designs and method-
ological approaches (Alford et al., 2005; Hatemi et al., 2009; Jennings
et al., 2009). However, the origins of attitudes toward immigration and
preferences for far right-wing parties have not yet been studied.
To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to empirically ex-
amine the transmission of nationalistic preferences and attitudes toward
immigration from one generation to the next, based on rich longitudinal
data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) for the years 1990–
2009. The SOEP allows us to match parents to adult children, and it is
therefore ideally suited to the study at hand. We focus on two related out-
comes: extreme party preferences (i.e., preferences for far right-wing par-
ties) and attitudes toward immigration.2We consider socio-economic and
labor market characteristics that might be correlated with children’s prefer-
ences, such as parents’ and adult children’s education, income, the regional
strength of right-wing parties, and federal state fixed effects. To minimize
the possibility that adult children might influence their parents’ party iden-
tification and attitudes toward immigration, we examine whether parents
ever reported leaning toward far right-wing parties during their offspring’s
childhood years, and we measure the relationship with the children’s polit-
ical preferences later in life. Moreover, we compare the intergenerational
association in right-wing party affinity to intergenerational estimates for
five major parties in Germany.
1See https://www.bundeskanzlerin.de/ContentArchiv/EN/Archiv17/Reden/2012/2012-02-23-
bkin-central-memorial-ceremony-to-commorate-the-victims-of-extreme-reight-wing-violence.
html.
2Several empirical studies point to an important relationship between individuals’ anti-foreign
sentiments and their affinity toward far right-wing parties (Lubbers et al., 2002; Arzheimer,
2008, 2009; Pardos-Prado, 2011).
CThe editors of The Scandinavian Journal of Economics 2016.
770 Intergenerational correlations of right-wing extremism
The results of this study point to a strong intergenerational association
in far right-wing attitudes between sons and parents. Having parents who
express right-wing extremist attitudes during childhood increases an adult
son’s propensity to express affinity toward a far right-wing party as a
young adult by around 13 percentage points. This is a large effect, given
that around 6 percent of adult sons report an affinity toward a far right-wing
party at some point in time. In contrast, the intergenerational association
in right-wing party affinity between parents and daughters is very close to
zero.
As a benchmark, we present the intergenerational correlation of political
affinities for other major political parties in Germany. The results point to
a puzzling social phenomenon that distinguishes far right-wing party iden-
tifications from those with other parties. While we find striking differences
in the intergenerational transmission of right-wing party affinity between
daughters and sons, there are no comparable large gender differences in
the intergenerational association of affinity for other parties.
The findings of the intergenerational association in far right-wing prefer-
ences are mainly confirmed by an alternative outcome variable of attitudes
toward immigration. Young adults whose parents were very concerned about
immigration to Germany during their childhood years have a 27 percent-
age point (60 percent) higher likelihood of also expressing strong concerns
about immigration as young adults. However, no significant gender differ-
ences are found.
Potential problems with answers to survey questions – in particular, with
questions on extreme party affinity – are that individuals do not reveal
their true preferences. Therefore, we compare individual measures of far
right-wing party preferences and attitudes toward immigration with official
voting results for far right-wing parties at general elections in Germany.
We find a positive and statistically significant correlation between the sub-
jective and objective measures at the state level. The positive correlation
makes us quite confident about the behavioral validity of the survey mea-
sures used. Nevertheless, we should point out that the study estimates
and reports intergenerational associations rather than causal effects. In line
with most studies on intergenerational transmissions, the disentanglement
of nurture and nature remains a challenge.
The outline of the paper is as follows. In Section II, we present a short
discussion of the development of new theoretical models explaining the in-
tergenerational transmission of preferences and the related empirical litera-
ture. In Section III, we describe the data and present summary statistics. In
Section IV, we discuss the empirical models. In Section V, we document
the intergenerational correlation estimates in right-wing extremist prefer-
ences and attitudes toward immigration. In Section VI, we present several
robustness checks and discuss caveats, and we conclude in the final section.
CThe editors of The Scandinavian Journal of Economics 2016.

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